Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission
of the Virginia General Assembly:
Review of Virginia’s System of Capital
Punishment
Analysis by Mona Cadena, Field Organizer for Amnesty International's
Mid-Atlantic Regional Office
and Board Member of VADP
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The Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission (JLARC) was charged
to study the administration of capital punishment in Virginia. The study
was limited to a mandate to discuss three major issues:
-
The use of prosecutorial discretion in the application of the death penalty.
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The fairness of Virginia’s judicial review process, including executive
clemency.
-
Race as a factor in the death penalty
In order to review this study it is necessary
to consider elements that were not mandated by the study that reflect gaps
in the findings:
-
Execution of juveniles or the mentally retarded
-
The study was not designed to address whether or not inmates who are currently
on death row are innocent of the crimes for which they are sentenced.
-
The study also did not review the system of identification and selection
of qualified counsel for capital murder defendants.
-
It also did not address jury selection or instruction.
-
The study also did not review collection, preservation and testing procedures
of DNA and other material evidence.
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Issues related to economic disparity and poverty.
Parameters:
-
JLARC staff selected 1995 as the starting point for the study because that
was the year parole was abolished in Virginia. According to some prosecutors
the statutory change decreased the likelihood that they would pursue the
death penalty, as a capital conviction was not necessary to ensure that
defendants would remain in prison for life.
-
JLARC used a cluster method to statistically review available data.
Findings:
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Since the abolition of parole in 1995, nearly eight out of every 10 persons
who were arrested for a capital eligible crime were indicted for capital
murder.
-
Over this same time period, Commonwealth’s Attorney’s have sought the death
penalty for nearly three out of every 10 persons who were arrested for
a capital-eligible crime.
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The race of neither the defendant nor the victim plays a role in the decision
by local prosecutors to seek the death penalty.
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Commonwealth’s Attorneys are more likely to seek a capital murder indictment
when the murder victim is a female and the crime is committed in a non-urban
area.
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Capital murder cases that are very similar (vileness, future dangerousness,
nature of evidence) are handled very differently by Commonwealth’s Attorneys
in different sized jurisdictions.
-
Regarding direct review, the Virginia Supreme Court has affirmed 93% of
all cases in which a death sentence had been imposed in the State’s circuit
courts since 1977. In affirming these death sentences, the court considered
and rejected on their merits 83% of all claims of trial error.
-
None of the 119 death sentences reviewed by the Virginia Supreme Court
were determined to be excessive or disproportionate. In making these determinations,
the Virginia Supreme Court appears to have narrowly applied the statutes
defining proportionality review in Virginia.
-
At the State and Federal habeas corpus stages of the review process, the
recognized rate of trial error in cases where defendants were sentences
to death was only two and four percent respectively.
-
This may be partially related to the fact that more than three of every
ten claims of trial error made by defendants during these phases of post
conviction review were rejected because they violated procedural restrictions.
-
This indicates that through the application of the doctrine of procedural
default, post conviction review for death row inmates has been expedited
by the courts and that many claims raised by these inmates are not considered
on their merits.
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More than one third of all capital defendants on death row made a final
appeal for clemency based on a claim of innocence. In 18% of these cases,
some form of clemency was granted.
-
Whether the clemency process is a reliable safeguard against the execution
of an innocent prisoner cannot be determined because of lack of records.
Much of the process occurs beyond public view and is thereby shielded from
serious scrutiny. The process of executive clemency would benefit from
greater structure and openness.
Policy Questions Raised for the General Assembly:
¨According
to several written opinions of federal court judges, the procedural restrictions
have forced the courts to affirm the convictions for some prisoners who
were unquestionably guilty of murder, but who, nevertheless, did not receive
a fair trial, does this merit the attention of the General Assembly? (P.
xii)
¨Can
the disparate outcomes which flow from the proper exercise of prosecutorial
discretion be accepted in a system where the ultimate sanction is execution?
(P.78)
¨Problems
of executive clemency could be addressed through legislative changes that
established a more structured process involving the Parole Board or some
other state entity that would be charged with reviewing and investigating
each clemency petition submitted by an inmate on death row. (P.125)
¨Questions
remain about proportionality review in Virginia, specifically the courts
practice of not consistently considering those capital murder cases in
which a life sentence was imposed, and at other times, its decision to
give a particular emphasis to the death cases, limits the reliability of
the Courts review. If the General Assembly intended that proportionality
review be based on more consistent comparisons of capital murder death
sentences with capital murder life sentences, language maybe useful to
guide the Supreme Court in that manner. (P.108)
General Observations:
The study continually asserts that race [of the
victim or defendant] is not a factor in capital murder indictments, however
data presented provides some discrepancies to this conclusion:
¨“
In terms of race, blacks were substantially more likely to be arrested
for a capital eligible offense than their white counterparts. In particular,
six out of every ten persons who were charged with a capital eligible crime
over this five year period were black.” (P.24)
¨“Defendants
who murdered white victims were also more likely to be indicted for capital
murder and face prosecution than are defendants who murdered black victims.
However, once factors are considered which relate to the size of the locality
in which the offense was perpetrated, the circumstances of the capital
murder, and the relationship between the defendant and the victim, race
appears to play no role in the decision-making process of Commonwealth’s
Attorneys.” (P.44)
¨“It
should be noted that the review does not take into account for arrest rates
which result in a higher number of black defendants arrested for capital-eligible
offenses.” (P. 52)
¨“Specifically,
a substantially larger portion of the death cases involved rape, a higher
portion of the victims in death cases were white, and the cases were significantly
more likely to be located in medium density jurisdictions.” (P. 57)
¨“Once
a defendant is indicted for capital murder, prosecutors are not bound to
seek the death penalty. Therefore, even in a system in which race was not
a consideration in the decision to indict, it is possible that black defendants
could, nonetheless, face prosecution as a “death case” at a higher rate
than non-blacks.” (P. 62)
¨“While
the odds ratios appear to indicate that prosecutors are over three times
more likely to seek the death penalty if the victim is white, this result
is not stastically significant and therefore cannot be treated as a reliable
predictor of whether a prosecutor will seek the death penalty.” (P. 66)
The study also asserts that its goal was not to
determine whether or not claims of innocence by inmates on death row are
substantively grounded and further “it cannot be concluded from the findings
presented in this study that the state is executing persons who are innocent
of the crimes for which they were sentenced.”
¨The
Association of Commonwealth Attorney’s erroneously interprets the findings
to conclude that “Virginia is not executing innocent people.” (Appendix
F, Linda Curtis) However it is important to recognize that not only does
this study not show us that innocents are being executed, it also cannot
show us that innocents have not been executed in the past. In addition,
it makes no claim to review current cases on death row to determine innocence.
On the issue of geographic disparity, the study
finds that not only is it significant geographically what jurisdiction
the crime was committed in, but the proportionality review process is skewed
in favor of this disparity.
¨“Apart
from the issue of what records are to be collected for comparison purposes
is the question of the methods to be used by the Court to implement proportionality
review. Here the Code of Virginia is silent, leaving this decision to the
discretion of the supreme court. The Court has decided that in determining
whether a death sentence in a given case was excessive, it would require
whether juries in this jurisdiction (meaning the Commonwealth of Virginia)
generally approved the supreme penalty for comparable or similar crimes.”
(P.102)
¨“This
low error rate which has been observed at this stage of the appellate process,
appears to be the product of the courts deference to the discretion of
the trial courts in assessing whether the law was applied properly, and
the fact that is views all challenges made regarding the evidence at the
trial in a light most favorable to the Commonwealth.” (P. 99)
The study asserts that error rates are low
on the state and federal post-conviction appeal and the 33% - 35% of all
respective claims were rejected without a review of the merits because
the claims were not raised in accordance with the Virginia Supreme Courts
rules.
¨It
is important to recognize that this study did not focus on issues of quality
of counsel that might shed light as to why such a high number of appeals
are thrown out for procedural faults.